This page provides an overview of social care in Staffordshire, along with key metrics that could affect social care. Understanding these metrics is important because they help contextualise the challenges with social care provision in each local authority. These statistics are important to keep in mind when reviewing the other pages.
Why are these metrics important? Population size and density can affect the demand for social care services. For example, if a local authority has a high population (relative to other areas), it may need to allocate more resources to meet care needs. Similarly, areas with high population density may require more care services due to the increased number of people living in close proximity. Inversely, areas with a low population density may have fewer care needs, but residents may face challenges accessing services due to the distance between them. Lastly, people in rural areas might live further away from services, which can impact their ability to access care, or make it more expensive to provide.
Understanding these metrics can help local authorities plan and allocate resources effectively.
Deprivation decile is a measure of the level of deprivation in a local authority. It is calculated by ranking areas in England from 1 (most deprived) to 10 (least deprived) based on factors such as income, employment, education, and health. A higher decile indicates lower levels of deprivation, while a lower decile suggests higher levels of deprivation. Understanding deprivation levels can help local authorities identify areas that may require additional support and resources to address social care needs.
IMD 2019 for the Lower Tier Local Authorities: Cannock Chase, East Staffordshire, Lichfield, Newcastle-under-Lyme, South Staffordshire, Stafford, Staffordshire Moorlands, Tamworth
Deprivation rank is a measure of the relative deprivation of a local authority compared to other areas in England. It is calculated by ranking areas from 1 (most deprived) to 32,844 (least deprived) Lower Layer Super Output Areas (LSOA), which can be thought of as “small areas”. This rank is based on factors such as income, employment, education, and health. A lower rank indicates higher levels of deprivation, while a higher rank suggests lower levels of deprivation. Understanding deprivation ranks can help local authorities identify areas that may require additional support and resources to address social care needs.
IMD 2019 for the Lower Tier Local Authorities: Cannock Chase, East Staffordshire, Lichfield, Newcastle-under-Lyme, South Staffordshire, Stafford, Staffordshire Moorlands, Tamworth
Many people want care, some receive care, but a significant number go without. What types of care are being requested? What care is actually provided? This section explores the gap between need and provision, the types of care available, and how our own data contributes to the understanding of these challenges.
Access Social Care and other Helplines providers are working to bridge this gap by providing free legal support to people who are struggling to access social care services. This first chart illustrates the types of calls we are getting.
The rest of this page distingushes between the different types of care provided to Working Age People and Older People, as we are able to disaggregate at a greater level of granularity.
Note: these values are a work in progress… expect these numbers to go up
This plot shows a breakdown of the types of requests for assistance received by Access Social Care and other helplines. Understanding the themes of these calls can identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of calls related to housing may indicate a need for more affordable housing options, while a high number of calls related to social care assessments may suggest a need for improved access to care services. The request types are:
Assessments: An assessment is a meeting or form to find out what help someone needs with daily tasks.
Care Plan: A care plan is a written agreement that lists the support you’ll get and who to contact if things change.
Carers: Carers are people who help a disabled or ill person with daily tasks.
Charging: Charging refers to checking if you can afford to pay for some of your care based on your savings.
Information Seeking: Information seeking means getting advice about available care options.
Legal Issues and Complaints: Legal issues and complaints involve reporting problems with your care to the council or an ombudsman.
Safeguarding: Safeguarding is protecting people from abuse or neglect.
Of course, high numbers also mean that people know where to call, and this number can be impacted by advocacy efforts. As a counterpoint, areas with low numbers may indicate a lack of awareness of available services or a need for more outreach to connect people with support.
To protect privacy, our minimum bin size is 5, which means that if we field 1-5 queries on a topic, we display 5.
Are you a helpline and would like to combine data resources? Let us know!
Access Social Care casework, AccessAva data, and helpline partner submissions
Working Age People
Knowing how many people are requesting social care, how many people are recieving care and what percent of people are disabled helps understand need and social care provision at a top level. For example, a high number of people requesting care may indicate a need for additional resources or services, while a low number of people receiving care may suggest a gap in service provision. Understanding these metrics can help identify areas where additional support may be needed.
MW was diagnosed with Functional Chronic Pain, she cannot walk without support, she holds on to her furniture to move around the house. She uses a wheelchair, especially when she goes out, with support from friends and family. She lives on second floor with 5 flights because of the way the building is designed and there is no lift. She never goes out because of the difficulties she experiences with the stairs. She needs help with cooking, cleaning, shopping and showering. She relies on friends and her mum who has knee replacement.
She was referred by the Social Prescriber who referred her onto also referred her to Croydon Adult Support, they told her they are short of staff to allocate her a social worker, so she was placed on a long waiting list. MW case still hadn’t progressed until the Social Prescriber, who had been recently trained on the Care Act, referred her to Access Social Care’s free legal Chatbot letter clinic.
The legal clinic volunteer completed a letter to Croydon Council with MW within a week which was sent to Adult Social Services. Access Social Care then called her after two weeks to complete a follow up survey. MW informed them that she had had an assessment and was waiting to hear back from Croydon following the panel meeting. Social Services has now done the assessment after which the panel offered MW 9 hours of social care support.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
This plot shows the types of care provided to working-age people in Staffordshire. Understanding the types of care available can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people receiving personal care may indicate a need for more support with daily living activities, while a high number of people receiving respite care may suggest a need for additional support for carers.
ASCFR and SALT Data Tables 2023-24 Sheet T34
The age-standardised rate of disability in Staffordshire stands at 18.2 %, a little above the England figure of 17.6 %. With almost 900 000 residents, this small gap translates into several thousand extra disabled people when compared with a typical county. The geography is mostly rural and only 334 people live in each square kilometre, far below the national density. Reaching scattered communities is therefore harder, and travel times can lengthen routine appointments. At the same time the county is not markedly deprived: its mean Index of Multiple Deprivation rank sits near the national midpoint. Taken together, a slightly higher share of disabled residents, a dispersed settlement pattern and middling deprivation suggest that need is present but may be hidden rather than concentrated in obvious hotspots.
During 2024 there were 8 690 requests for adult social care from working-age residents, equal to 967 requests per 100 000 population. This is around 15 % below the national rate of 1 143. Lower request rates can signal unmet need – for example if people are unaware of the offer or if transport and digital barriers deter contact – but they can also suggest that early help is working and fewer people reach crisis point. Additional qualitative evidence would be needed to decide which explanation is more plausible here.
Despite the lower flow of new requests, 5 810 adults aged 18–64 were already receiving council-funded long-term support. At 647 per 100 000, this is one fifth higher than the England average of 533. Two factors may lie behind this apparent contradiction. First, care packages in Staffordshire may last longer, so the stock of people in service remains high even while the inflow slows. Second, decision-makers appear more willing to agree support once someone reaches the front door.
Most working-age recipients are supported in the community and the balance tilts strongly towards council-managed personal budgets. The rate for this option is 401 per 100 000, fully 50 % above the national mean, while direct payments lag the national figure. Direct payments demand confidence, information and reliable local providers, all of which are harder to secure in rural districts. The modest take-up may therefore reflect practical barriers rather than user preference. Nursing and residential placements broadly mirror national rates, suggesting that eligibility thresholds are not markedly tighter or looser than elsewhere.
In 2025 the council logged very few requests for help with assessments, carers’ issues or safeguarding (all under 1.5 per 100 000, roughly half the national average). Numbers are small, yet they point in the same direction as the wider data: residents do not approach formal services as readily as counterparts in other counties. Local third-sector groups and primary care may be absorbing some of this activity, but there remains a risk that some people simply give up.
The combination of a slightly higher disability prevalence, relatively low request rates and a high stock of ongoing packages suggests a need to focus on two areas. First, outreach and information, particularly in rural communities, could raise awareness and catch needs earlier. Second, promoting direct payments and mixed-budget options would give disabled people more control while easing pressures on council-commissioned provision. Any such shift must be backed by market development so that suitable providers exist close to home.
Population projections show continued growth, especially among older age groups, so the absolute number of disabled adults is likely to rise. Strengthening preventative services now will help keep the flow of new requests at manageable levels, while widening the range of support choices should improve quality of life for those already in care.
✨ ✅ ❌Older People
Just like with Working Age people, knowing how many older people are requesting social care, how many people are recieving care and what percent of the population is 65+ helps understand need and social care provision at a top level.
Jamaican female, blind and in her 40s. She was in an emergency Bed & Breakfast with her Niece, who acts as her unofficial carer, she is unable to work but would like to go to University. She is receiving PIP but not the Daily Living Allowance which she applied for in June 2021. She is vulnerable and has a history of self harm so was assigned a rehab Support Worker. Vanessa supported her using the Chatbot to chase up her PIP Daily Living allowance application, after waiting for several months and they received a reply within a week but was awarded the lower rate.
Another Chatbot letter was sent to request an urgent assessment due to her vulnerability and this was action quickly by the LA. Vanessa also supported her to use the chatbot and ask the Social worker to be moved to a place that supports her needs and rights. As she was having to use a shared bathroom, toilet and kitchen in a place with drug/alcohol abusers and being blind with no carer, this left her vulnerable. The Chatbot was used again to raise this issue and after a few weeks she was successfully moved to a private property in another area.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
As above, it is important to see what type of care older people are being provided because it can help explain where additional work is needed.
ASCFR and SALT Data Tables 2023-24 Sheet T34
Staffordshire is home to about 899,000 people. Between 2019 and 2023 the share of residents aged 65 plus rose from 22.0 % to 22.4 %. England stayed near 19 %. The county is therefore older than the country as a whole and is ageing a little faster. Staffordshire is also fairly rural. Around one-third of its land is classed as rural, and in districts such as Staffordshire Moorlands and South Staffordshire the rural share is over 40 %. Population density is low at 334 people per km², far below the England figure. Travel, public transport and the distance from services can all shape the kind of support that older residents need.
Most neighbourhoods sit in the middle of the national deprivation scale. The average deprivation decile is close to 6, slightly better than England, but there are pockets of both affluence and need. This mixed pattern means some communities have strong personal resources, while others rely more on public care.
In 2024 the council logged 32,405 requests for support from people aged 65 plus. That equals 3,606 requests per 100,000 older residents, half again above the England rate of 2,438. A larger older population explains part of the gap, yet the rate remains higher even after we adjust for population. Possible reasons include greater health need linked to rural isolation, good local awareness of council services, or fewer informal carers in some areas.
9,320 older people were in long-term care during 2024, or 1,037 per 100,000. This is only a little above the national average of 1,003, so a smaller share of requests leads to a care package. Triage, reablement or sign-posting can all limit entry to long-term care, but the difference also raises the possibility of unmet need.
The pattern of settings is important:
Nursing care stands out. At 201 per 100,000, use is two-thirds higher than the England mean of 122. Residential care is close to the norm (238 vs 250). Community-based support, whether by direct payment or council-managed, sits close to national levels. High nursing use suggests that when residents do enter care they are more frail or medically complex. Late presentation, long travel to GPs, and the rural workforce shortage may all contribute.
Recorded requests for lighter-touch help in 2025 – for example with assessments, carers’ matters or safeguarding advice – are very low: under 0.5 per 100,000 for most categories, compared with England figures between 0.6 and 2.6. Such low rates look out of line with the high number of full care requests. Under-recording is one possible cause. If the counts are accurate, many residents may skip early advice and go straight to urgent care. This would again help explain heavy nursing demand.
Staffordshire must plan for a steadily growing older population that already uses formal services at a high rate. Extra nursing-home capacity, community health teams that can reach remote villages, and better transport will be important. At the same time, stronger early-help pathways could catch problems sooner and reduce the need for costly bed-based care. Finally, the mix of moderate deprivation and wide rural spread suggests a need for flexible funding models: some areas will need intensive outreach, while others may benefit more from empowering local volunteer networks.
✨ ✅ ❌When government support falls short, unpaid carers step in to provide care. However, many struggle with burnout, financial pressure, lack of social contact, and a lack of support. This section explores the number of unpaid carers, their increasing workload, and what forms of support are available.
Carers play a vital role in supporting vulnerable adults, often stepping in to provide care when professional services are unavailable or insufficient. The percentage of carers receiving direct payments highlights financial empowerment, the number of carers accessing services reflects local authority outreach, and the number turning to charities underscores unmet needs. Together, these data points reveal systemic strengths and weaknesses: low direct payment uptake may push carers toward charities, while effective services can reduce dependence on charitable support. Understanding these metrics enables targeted interventions to ensure carers receive the recognition and resources they deserve.
Unpaid carers play a crucial role in supporting vulnerable adults, often stepping in to provide care when professional services are unavailable or insufficient. Understanding the number of unpaid carers in a local authority can be complicated. On the one hand, a relatively high proportion might be indicative of not enough being done by the local authority, and/or a strong community. On the other hand, a relatively lower number can mean good service provision, lower need, lower availability to look after family, or a problem with reporting.
Still, understanding the number of unpaid carers is a baseline number that must be considered.
NOMIS NM_2213_1
These values are widely considered to be an underestimate. See this report from Carers UK for more information.
August 2021 - Patient with dementia who lives in a shared lives setting. Carer had been requesting respite from the council since September 2020. Croydon Social Prescriber helped with a referral to the local authority in March 2021. Assessment conducted, with the promise they would come back with support, which did not happen. 25 August, social prescriber used the chatbot to find the right legal wording for the situation. The email was sent at 4.52pm that day. At 5.12pm the council contacted the carer to discuss the respite. This was the impact of one letter, addressed to a senior team.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
Social contact is important for carers’ well-being, as it can help reduce feelings of isolation and loneliness. Understanding the level of social contact that carers have can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a low level of social contact may indicate a need for more social activities or support groups for carers, while a high level of social contact may suggest that carers have a strong support network.
Survey of Adult Carers in England (SACE) - question 11
The type of support available to carers can vary significantly, impacting their ability to provide care effectively. Understanding the types of support available can help identify areas where additional resources may be needed. For example, a high number of carers receiving respite care may indicate a need for more support with caregiving responsibilities, while a low number of carers receiving financial support may suggest a need for additional financial assistance.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T47
Access to information is crucial for carers to navigate the social care system effectively. Understanding how easy it is for carers to get information can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of carers finding it difficult to get information may indicate a need for improved communication and support services, while a low number of carers finding it difficult to get information may suggest that existing services are effective.
Would you like social care information? Try our Chatbot!
Survey of Adult Carers in England (SACE) - question 17
Note: these values are a work in progress… expect these numbers to go up
Access Social Care and other Helplines help people with information, advice, and support related to social care. Understanding the types of calls received by carers can highlight areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of calls related to financial support may indicate a need for more financial assistance for carers, while a high number of calls related to respite care may suggest a need for additional support with caregiving responsibilities.
It is important to note that, just as in the previous section, low numbers of requests might indicate that people don’t know where to get help, don’t feel they can get (or deserve) help, or other outreach problems. This is particularly important because we often work with people where the role of a carer is not recognised, or where the carer themselves does not recognise their role.
Access Social Care casework, AccessAva data, and helpline partner submissions
In 2021 about 9,317 residents in every 100,000 were giving unpaid care. Applying that rate to the mid-2021 population of 877,808 suggests in the region of 82,000 unpaid carers across the county. The national rate was lower, near 8,204 per 100,000, so Staffordshire relies on a larger share of its citizens to provide informal support. A mix of factors is likely to sit behind this. The county is growing – the population has risen by roughly 3 % since 2019 – but it is also relatively rural, with fewer than 335 people per square kilometre. Families in dispersed settlements often step in where services are harder to reach. Deprivation levels are close to the England average, so economic need is unlikely to be the sole driver; instead, population structure – notably a sizeable older group – probably raises demand for informal care.
The latest survey results paint a broadly positive picture. In 2024, 37.7 % of carers said they had as much social contact as they wanted, eight percentage points above the national figure. Isolation can be a major risk for carers, so this result suggests local networks and community assets are working fairly well, even in rural areas. Equally, two-thirds of respondents (66 %) found it easy to obtain information about services, again outperforming the England average of 59.3 %. Good sign-posting may be offsetting the challenges of distance and transport.
Council data for 2024 show an emphasis on low-level, universal help. Staffordshire provided information, advice or other open access services to almost 775 carers per 100,000, more than twice the national rate of 339. By contrast, only 8.3 carers per 100,000 received a direct payment, far below the England figure of 150, and there were no recorded part-payments or council-managed personal budgets. Formal commissioned support was also absent. Respite delivered to the cared-for person stood at 112 per 100,000, a little above the national average of 70, while the proportion receiving no direct support at all was just 34 per 100,000, one quarter of the national picture. The pattern implies a deliberate strategy: invest in lighter-touch, preventative offers and targeted respite rather than individualised cash support. This can spread resources further but may not meet complex needs for some households.
Only two incidents fell under the UT1 carers safeguarding category in 2025, equal to 0.22 per 100,000 residents against an England average of 0.75. While the numbers are too small for firm conclusions, they hint that serious risk remains low, possibly reflecting supportive community conditions.
High reliance on unpaid carers is allowing many older or disabled residents to remain at home, but it also creates hidden pressure. The strong social contact and information scores suggest current approaches are effective, yet the very low use of direct payments could mask unmet need where carers require personalised, flexible help. As the population continues to grow and age, demand will rise. Maintaining the present balance will depend on sustaining community infrastructure in rural areas and ensuring carers who move beyond universal support can step up to more intensive options quickly. Monitoring satisfaction alongside take-up of formal budgets will be important to judge whether the existing model remains fit for purpose.
✨ ✅ ❌Care providers are essential for delivering social care services, including home care agencies and care homes. The quality of care they provide can vary significantly, impacting the well-being of service users. This section examines the number and types of care providers, their quality ratings, and some of the difficulties of maintaining high standards. Understanding these metrics is crucial for ensuring that vulnerable individuals receive high-quality care.
The number and types of care providers in a local authority can impact the availability and quality of social care services. Understanding the distribution of care providers directly influences people’s ability to get the care they need.
The Care Quality Commission (CQC) rates care providers based on their quality of care, safety, and effectiveness. Understanding the quality ratings of care providers can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers with low ratings may indicate a need for improved training and support, while a high number of care providers with high ratings may suggest that existing services are effective.
Framework rates are the agreed prices that local authorities pay care providers for social care services, such as home care and residential care. These rates are crucial because they determine the affordability, availability, and quality of care in a city. If rates are too low, providers may struggle to sustain services, leading to workforce shortages, poor care quality, and limited access for those relying on council-funded care.
Understanding framework rates helps assess whether local authorities are adequately funding social care, ensuring fair pay for care workers, and maintaining a sustainable care market that meets residents’ needs.
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Several providers are finding it increasingly difficult to stay in business, and sometimes several providers collapse at once. For example, when pay rises are approved without consultation and effective immediately, providers may not be able to afford to pay their staff. This can cause a chain-effect which leads to collapse in the market, and a lack of care for those who need it.
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Workforce turnover rate is a measure of the number of staff leaving a care provider over a specific period. High turnover rates can indicate issues with staff retention, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or lack of training and support. Understanding workforce turnover rates can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed to improve staff retention and ensure high-quality care services.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Staff retention is crucial for maintaining high-quality care services. Understanding the challenges faced by care providers in retaining staff can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers struggling to retain staff may indicate a need for improved training and support, while a low number of care providers facing retention challenges may suggest that existing services are effective.
This dataset describes the results of a survey asking care providers about their challenges in retaining staff.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Workforce_survey_data_tables, Tab 6_2
Vacancy rate is a measure of the number of unfilled positions within a care provider over a specific period. High vacancy rates can indicate issues with staff recruitment, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or lack of training and support. Understanding vacancy rates can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed to improve staff recruitment and ensure high-quality care services.
Recruiting staff is essential for maintaining high-quality care services, and for backfilling staff when they leave. Understanding the challenges faced by care providers in recruiting staff can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers struggling to recruit staff may indicate a need for improved training and support, or can point to a systemic problem, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or not enough people interested in this job type.
Staff recruitment is important as it’s one of the areas that have levers to pull outside of social care, for example, by changing how many visas are awarded to social care workers.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Workforce_survey_data_tables, Tab 6_2
In 2024 Staffordshire supports 106 community-based adult social care services and 231 residential care homes. These raw totals are high because the county has almost 900,000 residents, more than twice the average English local authority. When population is taken into account, the balance looks different. Community services work out at about 12 providers per 100,000 people, well below the national rate of roughly 17. Residential services stand at about 26 per 100,000, slightly above the national figure of 24. The county therefore relies more on bed-based care and less on home or outreach support. A partly rural geography, with around four in ten residents living outside major settlements, makes long travel times for domiciliary visits common and may encourage this pattern.
Inspection data show that 20.6 % of Staffordshire providers are rated “requires improvement” or “inadequate”, compared with 16.8 % across England. That means about one in five local services fall below the expected standard. Residential homes, which dominate the market, often find it hardest to maintain staffing continuity, and the quality gap is likely to be linked to workforce strain.
Turnover in 2023/24 was 26.7 %, in line with the England average, yet the vacancy rate reached 9.5 % against 8.4 % nationally. Employer surveys reinforce the picture: 81 % say recruiting staff is now more difficult, and 70 % report greater challenges in retention, both slightly worse than Midlands norms. The county’s mix of market towns and villages, together with generally moderate deprivation and low unemployment, means care providers compete with retail, warehousing and hospitality for staff. Long rural journeys make home-care roles less attractive and can leave posts unfilled for longer.
The population has risen by 3.4 % since 2019, and density remains moderate at 334 people per km². Growth, combined with an ageing profile typical of rural counties, is likely to increase demand for social care. If most new demand continues to be met through residential places, costs to the council and the NHS could rise faster than inflation.
A rebalancing of the market appears advisable. Expanding community provision in the more densely populated towns would improve choice, help older people remain at home and ease pressure on care-home staffing. Incentives such as rural mileage allowances, career progression pathways and joint health-social care training could narrow the vacancy gap and lift inspection ratings. Reducing the share of under-performing providers to the national level would require turning around only eight to ten services, an achievable target if workforce stability improves. Continuous quality monitoring and targeted support for struggling homes will therefore be key to sustaining safe, person-centred care as demand grows.
✨ ✅ ❌Historically, hospital delays have been due in large part, to the inability to discharge patients into social care. We no longer have DTOC data, but we can still look at the number of hospital delays and the number of facilities requiring improvement.
CQC, as the regulator of health and social care services in England, is beginning to rate Local Authorities on their social care provision. Understanding the CQC rating of a local authority should be used as the most official evaluation of service care provision. For example, a low rating may indicate a need for improved service delivery, while a high rating may suggest that existing services are effective.
Hospital delays can have a significant impact on patient care and outcomes, and are in large part the result of not having invested sufficiently in social care. Understanding the number of hospital delays in a local authority can be a sympthom of a poorly working social care sector. For example, a high number of hospital delays may indicate a need for improved discharge planning and coordination, not enough places to discharge people to, lack of sufficient staff to assess patients, or a lack of care providers.
Discharge-Ready-Date-monthly-data-webfile-November-2024, Tab UTLA Acceptable
This metric illustrates how long patients are delayed in hospital before being discharged. Higher average delays mean that patients are spending more time in hospital than necessary, which can lead to increased costs, reduced bed availability, and poorer patient outcomes. This also means that the beds are not available for people that might desperately need them for life-saving procedures.
Discharge-Ready-Date-monthly-data-webfile-November-2024, Tab UTLA Acceptable
Delayed Transfer of Care (DTOC) refers to the time between a patient being declared medically fit for discharge and actually leaving the hospital. Understanding the number of DTOCs in a local authority can help identify precisely where the social care system is failing.
Unfortunately, this dataset is no longer being generated.
Reablement is a short-term service that helps people regain independence and confidence after a period of illness or injury. Understanding the number of people receiving reablement services can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people receiving reablement services may indicate a need for more support with daily living activities, while a low number of people receiving reablement services may suggest that existing services are effective.
Coming soon!
Service user satisfaction is a key indicator of the quality of social care services. Understanding service user satisfaction can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a low level of service user satisfaction may indicate a need for improved service delivery, while a high level of service user satisfaction may suggest that existing services are effective.
It is important to note that the people surveyed are already receiving service care. Notably absent are all the people that are not yet lucky enough to be receiving care.
Personal Social Services Adult Social Care Survey, question 1
Access to information is crucial for people using social care services to navigate the system effectively. Understanding how easy it is for people to get information can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people finding it difficult to get information may indicate a need for improved communication and support services, while a low number of people finding it difficult to get information may suggest that existing services are effective.
Would you like social care information? Try our Chatbot!
Personal Social Services Adult Social Care Survey, question 13
An ombudsman is a person who has been appointed to look into complaints about companies and organisations. The number of cases received and decided by the Ombudsman is important because it provides insight into the volume of complaints about a local authority’s social care services and how effectively these complaints are being addressed. The number of cases received indicates the level of dissatisfaction or systemic issues within a council’s care provision, while the number of cases decided shows how efficiently the Ombudsman is processing and resolving complaints. A large gap between the two may suggest delays in complaint handling, leaving individuals waiting.
It is important to note that contacting the Ombudsman is widely considered a last resort, often discouraged, and sometimes penalised.
Almost every Staffordshire resident (99.3 per cent) leaves an acute trust that the Care Quality Commission judges to be at least “acceptable”. The England mean is 89 per cent. This suggests strong joint working between the council and its main NHS partners. Yet 13.9 per cent of all discharges are delayed, a touch higher than the national 12.3 per cent. Average delay per person is 0.69 days, almost identical to the England figure of 0.70 days. The county’s mixed rural-urban geography may help explain the gap: good-quality in-patient care is followed by longer travel and home-care set-up times, nudging up the proportion of cases that miss the target date even though the additional wait is short.
In the 2024 adult social care survey, 68.1 per cent of respondents said they were satisfied with the help they receive, above the national 64.7 per cent. Satisfaction is therefore broadly positive. However, a separate NatCen study reports that 57 per cent of local respondents felt dissatisfied. The contrast hints at unequal experience: people already in touch with services appear happier than those looking in from outside. Staffordshire’s population is growing (872,000 in 2020 to almost 899,000 in 2023) and is more dispersed than average, with only 334 residents per square kilometre against the England mean of 2,469. New arrivals, especially in rural villages, may find it harder to reach or judge services, colouring general opinion.
Sixty-five per cent of people using services say it is easy to find information, three points below the England average. Digital channels close part of the gap, yet patchy broadband and public transport in rural wards still matter. The deprivation profile is slightly better than average—typical mean decile values sit between 5 and 7—but variation is wide. In pockets of higher deprivation, limited digital skills may make it harder to navigate the care system, reinforcing the information shortfall.
The Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman received 5.12 cases per 100,000 residents in 2024 and decided 4.90, both higher than national rates of 4.45 and 4.12. Scaled to Staffordshire’s population, that equates to about 46 complaints received and 44 decided during the year. A higher complaint rate is not always negative: larger, more engaged communities often voice concerns quickly, giving providers valuable feedback. The key is whether learning from upheld cases feeds back into practice.
Staffordshire performs well on the quality of acute discharge destinations and on reported user satisfaction. Where it lags is the smoothness of the discharge process, ease of finding information, and the number of formal complaints. All three weaker areas share a common thread—communication and coordination across a large, partly rural population. Continued growth will add pressure to that thread. Improving triage at the point of discharge, strengthening local advice hubs, and acting on Ombudsman findings could therefore yield the greatest gains in overall quality. With deprivation only moderate, targeted investment in the most isolated communities—not a blanket approach—should offer the best return.
✨ ✅ ❌We need to understand how much money is being spent on social care, and what this provides. First, let’s look at values reported by local authorities.
Gross Current Expenditure (2023-24) captures the total operational cost of services, indicating overall demand and financial commitment. This includes spending on residential and non-residential care, direct payments, and other social care services. Understanding gross expenditure helps assess the scale of social care provision and financial pressures on local authorities.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
This figure reflects the net cost of social care provision to the local authority, indicating the extent of financial support required to meet service demands. Understanding net expenditure helps assess the financial sustainability of social care services and the commitment level of the local authority.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Client Contributions, otherwise known as “Charging”, show the extent to which service users offset costs. Understanding client contributions helps assess the financial burden on individuals and the local authority, highlighting the need for fair and equitable funding mechanisms.
It is important to note that not all local authorities charge for social care services, and that charging can be a barrier to accessing care for some individuals.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Income from NHS reflects external funding and collaboration with the health sector. Understanding NHS contributions helps understand the level of integration between health and social care.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Budget Cuts indicate financial constraints and potential service reductions. Sometimes, budget cuts are explicit, but other times, they aren’t mentioned directly, making tracking this information difficult to access.
As such, this data is not consistently available for all local authorities.
Access Social Care have made a series of Freedom of Information requests about the government’s own assessment of sufficiency of social care funding. The social care sector is in crisis, yet the government refuses to disclose how it determines funding sufficiency. Without transparency, there is little accountability, no independent scrutiny to improve decision-making, and government trust heavily impacted. Evidence from across the sector indicates a severe funding gap, but without open data, meaningful reform remains impossible. True solutions require honesty about the scale of the problem to then work towards a fair and equitable funding model.
The government appears to know how much money is required for social care, and yet they are not making that known.
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In 2024 Staffordshire is spending about £412 million on adult social care before any income is taken into account. This is calculated from the gross total expenditure of £45,821 for every 100,000 residents, applied to a population of nearly 899,000. Once client fees and NHS transfers are removed, net expenditure falls to roughly £329 million, or £36,567 per 100,000 people.
The county spends less per head than the national mean on both gross and net measures. The gap is modest – around 4 % for gross and 10 % for net – yet it is consistent across indicators. Because Staffordshire’s population is around two-and-a-half times larger than the average local authority, the lower per-capita rate still converts to a very large cash budget. A service manager therefore needs to consider whether this scale brings true economies or whether the lower head-line spend masks pressure in particular localities.
Residents themselves meet a noticeably higher share of costs than elsewhere. Client contributions stand at £9,254 per 100,000 people, 27 % above the England norm. Rural districts such as South Staffordshire and Stafford often contain a relatively affluent older population; means-tested charging therefore yields more income, allowing the council to reduce its own net outlay. The flip side is a risk that people with moderate means delay or avoid seeking support, which may lead to later, more expensive interventions.
By contrast, NHS contributions are lower than average (£5,846 per 100,000 versus £7,878 nationally). This could point to limited joint commissioning, fewer jointly funded discharge packages, or simply a lower level of hospital activity feeding into social care budgets. Given the continuing drive for integrated care, the county may wish to explore whether stronger pooling arrangements could unlock fresh money or ease pressure on council funds.
Population density is 334 residents per square kilometre, far below the England mean shown in this dataset. Serving dispersed communities raises transport and staffing costs, especially for home care. At the same time, several districts sit in higher deprivation deciles, indicating relative advantage. Less poverty tends to reduce demand for long-term publicly funded care but can increase expectations around service quality and personalisation.
The combination of below-average public spending, above-average user charges and limited NHS input suggests that Staffordshire relies heavily on residents to balance the books. While this may be sustainable for now, rising need from a growing and ageing population will test how far personal contributions can stretch. Lower public funding per head can also restrict preventive work, leading to costlier care later.
Strengthening joint funding with the NHS, especially around hospital discharge and reablement, looks a practical first step. Alongside this, reviewing the charging policy in rural areas could ensure that contributions do not deter early help. Finally, the county should keep sight of economies of scale: its large population offers purchasing power, but only if commissioning actively drives down unit costs without compromising reach in sparsely populated villages.
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