This page provides an overview of social care in South Tyneside, along with key metrics that could affect social care. Understanding these metrics is important because they help contextualise the challenges with social care provision in each local authority. These statistics are important to keep in mind when reviewing the other pages.
Why are these metrics important? Population size and density can affect the demand for social care services. For example, if a local authority has a high population (relative to other areas), it may need to allocate more resources to meet care needs. Similarly, areas with high population density may require more care services due to the increased number of people living in close proximity. Inversely, areas with a low population density may have fewer care needs, but residents may face challenges accessing services due to the distance between them. Lastly, people in rural areas might live further away from services, which can impact their ability to access care, or make it more expensive to provide.
Understanding these metrics can help local authorities plan and allocate resources effectively.
Deprivation decile is a measure of the level of deprivation in a local authority. It is calculated by ranking areas in England from 1 (most deprived) to 10 (least deprived) based on factors such as income, employment, education, and health. A higher decile indicates lower levels of deprivation, while a lower decile suggests higher levels of deprivation. Understanding deprivation levels can help local authorities identify areas that may require additional support and resources to address social care needs.
IMD 2019 for the Lower Tier Local Authorities: South Tyneside
Deprivation rank is a measure of the relative deprivation of a local authority compared to other areas in England. It is calculated by ranking areas from 1 (most deprived) to 32,844 (least deprived) Lower Layer Super Output Areas (LSOA), which can be thought of as “small areas”. This rank is based on factors such as income, employment, education, and health. A lower rank indicates higher levels of deprivation, while a higher rank suggests lower levels of deprivation. Understanding deprivation ranks can help local authorities identify areas that may require additional support and resources to address social care needs.
IMD 2019 for the Lower Tier Local Authorities: South Tyneside
Many people want care, some receive care, but a significant number go without. What types of care are being requested? What care is actually provided? This section explores the gap between need and provision, the types of care available, and how our own data contributes to the understanding of these challenges.
Access Social Care and other Helplines providers are working to bridge this gap by providing free legal support to people who are struggling to access social care services. This first chart illustrates the types of calls we are getting.
The rest of this page distingushes between the different types of care provided to Working Age People and Older People, as we are able to disaggregate at a greater level of granularity.
Note: these values are a work in progress… expect these numbers to go up
This plot shows a breakdown of the types of requests for assistance received by Access Social Care and other helplines. Understanding the themes of these calls can identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of calls related to housing may indicate a need for more affordable housing options, while a high number of calls related to social care assessments may suggest a need for improved access to care services. The request types are:
Assessments: An assessment is a meeting or form to find out what help someone needs with daily tasks.
Care Plan: A care plan is a written agreement that lists the support you’ll get and who to contact if things change.
Carers: Carers are people who help a disabled or ill person with daily tasks.
Charging: Charging refers to checking if you can afford to pay for some of your care based on your savings.
Information Seeking: Information seeking means getting advice about available care options.
Legal Issues and Complaints: Legal issues and complaints involve reporting problems with your care to the council or an ombudsman.
Safeguarding: Safeguarding is protecting people from abuse or neglect.
Of course, high numbers also mean that people know where to call, and this number can be impacted by advocacy efforts. As a counterpoint, areas with low numbers may indicate a lack of awareness of available services or a need for more outreach to connect people with support.
To protect privacy, our minimum bin size is 5, which means that if we field 1-5 queries on a topic, we display 5.
Are you a helpline and would like to combine data resources? Let us know!
Access Social Care casework, AccessAva data, and helpline partner submissions
Working Age People
Knowing how many people are requesting social care, how many people are recieving care and what percent of people are disabled helps understand need and social care provision at a top level. For example, a high number of people requesting care may indicate a need for additional resources or services, while a low number of people receiving care may suggest a gap in service provision. Understanding these metrics can help identify areas where additional support may be needed.
MW was diagnosed with Functional Chronic Pain, she cannot walk without support, she holds on to her furniture to move around the house. She uses a wheelchair, especially when she goes out, with support from friends and family. She lives on second floor with 5 flights because of the way the building is designed and there is no lift. She never goes out because of the difficulties she experiences with the stairs. She needs help with cooking, cleaning, shopping and showering. She relies on friends and her mum who has knee replacement.
She was referred by the Social Prescriber who referred her onto also referred her to Croydon Adult Support, they told her they are short of staff to allocate her a social worker, so she was placed on a long waiting list. MW case still hadn’t progressed until the Social Prescriber, who had been recently trained on the Care Act, referred her to Access Social Care’s free legal Chatbot letter clinic.
The legal clinic volunteer completed a letter to Croydon Council with MW within a week which was sent to Adult Social Services. Access Social Care then called her after two weeks to complete a follow up survey. MW informed them that she had had an assessment and was waiting to hear back from Croydon following the panel meeting. Social Services has now done the assessment after which the panel offered MW 9 hours of social care support.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
This plot shows the types of care provided to working-age people in South Tyneside. Understanding the types of care available can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people receiving personal care may indicate a need for more support with daily living activities, while a high number of people receiving respite care may suggest a need for additional support for carers.
ASCFR and SALT Data Tables 2023-24 Sheet T34
An estimated 22.1 % of residents report a disability, well above the England rate of 17.6 %. South Tyneside is small (about 149 000 people) and densely built-up, yet its average deprivation sits in decile 4, far poorer than the England mean of decile 6. High ill-health linked to deprivation, an older industrial labour history and low rural space for active travel help explain why disability is more common here.
In 2024 there were 8 555 requests for adult social care from working-age people. This is 5 731 per 100 000 residents, five times the national rate of 1 143. The sheer volume suggests that many citizens live with long-term conditions but still try to stay independent. It may also show that local advice lines and digital portals are easy to reach, encouraging early contact.
Only 850 working-age adults went on to receive a formal service, equal to 569 per 100 000 people. This is just 7 % above the England figure of 533. In other words, roughly one in ten requests leads to a care package. Most callers are therefore either sign-posted elsewhere, given short-term support, or told they are not eligible. The gap between need and provision feels largest in deprived, compact communities, so managing expectations and offering preventative options will be vital.
Community care dominates. Direct payments used alone serve 171 people per 100 000, a third more than the national norm. Residents seem willing to organise their own support when money management help is available. Part direct payments sit on par with England, showing balanced take-up. CASsR-managed personal budgets (261 per 100 000) are slightly below the average, hinting that the council promotes choice over agency commissioning where possible.
Residential care for 18- to 64-year-olds (74 per 100 000) and nursing care (17 per 100 000) are each about 20 % above national levels. These placements often reflect complex disability, mental health or substance misuse. In an area of concentrated deprivation, such needs tend to appear earlier in life, pressing for more specialised beds.
Early 2025 figures list only two requests each for assessments, carers and charging queries, and one for safeguarding. With rates below two per 100 000, the numbers are tiny. Recording may still be bedding in, or residents might contact generic advice teams captured under the wider request data above. Close monitoring is necessary to make sure safeguarding alerts are not being missed.
The council faces very high demand from disabled working-age adults while actual service take-up remains near the national norm. This mismatch could stretch front-door staff and slow triage. Investment in community hubs, condition-specific peer groups and employment support could reduce repeat enquiries. Higher than average use of direct payments is a strength; bolstering payroll and brokerage services would let more people adopt this route and avoid costlier residential options.
Residential and nursing rates, though modest in raw terms, outstrip England once population size is considered. Extra short-break provision, step-down flats and technological aids might help keep people at home longer. Finally, the borough’s deep deprivation shows that disability is not only a health matter but also an economic one. Coordinated action on housing, debt and skills will be as important as social care budgets when aiming to narrow the disability gap.
✨ ✅ ❌Older People
Just like with Working Age people, knowing how many older people are requesting social care, how many people are recieving care and what percent of the population is 65+ helps understand need and social care provision at a top level.
Jamaican female, blind and in her 40s. She was in an emergency Bed & Breakfast with her Niece, who acts as her unofficial carer, she is unable to work but would like to go to University. She is receiving PIP but not the Daily Living Allowance which she applied for in June 2021. She is vulnerable and has a history of self harm so was assigned a rehab Support Worker. Vanessa supported her using the Chatbot to chase up her PIP Daily Living allowance application, after waiting for several months and they received a reply within a week but was awarded the lower rate.
Another Chatbot letter was sent to request an urgent assessment due to her vulnerability and this was action quickly by the LA. Vanessa also supported her to use the chatbot and ask the Social worker to be moved to a place that supports her needs and rights. As she was having to use a shared bathroom, toilet and kitchen in a place with drug/alcohol abusers and being blind with no carer, this left her vulnerable. The Chatbot was used again to raise this issue and after a few weeks she was successfully moved to a private property in another area.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
As above, it is important to see what type of care older people are being provided because it can help explain where additional work is needed.
ASCFR and SALT Data Tables 2023-24 Sheet T34
South Tyneside has a small but growing population, rising from 148 368 in 2019 to 149 270 in 2023. The share of residents aged 65 years or over moved up each year, from 20.5 per cent to 21.3 per cent. England as a whole stayed close to 18–19 per cent and even slipped back in 2023. The figures show that one adult in five in South Tyneside is now in later life. The borough is therefore ageing faster than the country.
The local rise is likely to reflect two linked patterns. First, younger adults often leave for study or work, while older residents stay. Second, life expectancy has improved enough to keep more people in the 65+ group, even in an area with high deprivation. An older age mix sets the scene for higher demand on health and care services.
In 2024 there were 10 340 requests for support from people aged 65+. This equals 6 927 requests per 100 000 older residents, almost three times the national average of 2 438. The large gap is not only the result of a bigger older share; after adjusting for population size the difference is still very marked. High demand is often seen in places with long-standing ill-health, and South Tyneside sits in the most deprived third of English districts (mean deprivation decile 3.7). Living with long-term conditions earlier in life can lead to complex needs after 65.
By 2024, 2 900 older residents were receiving council-funded long-term care, equal to 1 943 per 100 000, almost double the England rate of 1 003. Service mix points to a strong use of residential options. Residential beds support 820 people (549 per 100 000), more than twice the national rate of 250. Nursing beds serve only 130 people (87 per 100 000), slightly below average. The heavy use of residential care, together with modest nursing use, may mean that South Tyneside admits many people who have social rather than clinical needs, or finds it hard to expand home-based nursing packages.
Community support is also high. About 1 790 people receive a council-managed personal budget at home, giving a rate (1 199 per 100 000) over twice the country figure. Direct payment take-up is similar to national levels, so most extra activity sits with council-arranged services. This suggests that the authority has kept a strong in-house role, possibly because the local care market is small or fragile.
Very few older residents asked only for advice or simple assessment in 2025 (rates around 1.3 per 100 000). England rates are also low but still a little higher. The tiny numbers hint that people may delay contact until needs are quite serious, linking back to deprivation, limited informal support and one of the lowest rural shares in England (0.2 per cent). Dense urban living makes services easy to reach, yet social isolation in poorer neighbourhoods can stay hidden until crisis.
An ageing and deprived borough faces high and rising care demand. Residential care absorbs a large share of support, which is costly and not always people’s first choice. Investment in community nursing, re-ablement and early advice could slow the flow into homes. Planning should also recognise that demand is likely to grow further, as the over-65 group adds another full percentage point every two to three years. Stable funding, support for local care providers and measures to keep younger adults in the area will help balance the system in the long term.
✨ ✅ ❌When government support falls short, unpaid carers step in to provide care. However, many struggle with burnout, financial pressure, lack of social contact, and a lack of support. This section explores the number of unpaid carers, their increasing workload, and what forms of support are available.
Carers play a vital role in supporting vulnerable adults, often stepping in to provide care when professional services are unavailable or insufficient. The percentage of carers receiving direct payments highlights financial empowerment, the number of carers accessing services reflects local authority outreach, and the number turning to charities underscores unmet needs. Together, these data points reveal systemic strengths and weaknesses: low direct payment uptake may push carers toward charities, while effective services can reduce dependence on charitable support. Understanding these metrics enables targeted interventions to ensure carers receive the recognition and resources they deserve.
Unpaid carers play a crucial role in supporting vulnerable adults, often stepping in to provide care when professional services are unavailable or insufficient. Understanding the number of unpaid carers in a local authority can be complicated. On the one hand, a relatively high proportion might be indicative of not enough being done by the local authority, and/or a strong community. On the other hand, a relatively lower number can mean good service provision, lower need, lower availability to look after family, or a problem with reporting.
Still, understanding the number of unpaid carers is a baseline number that must be considered.
NOMIS NM_2213_1
These values are widely considered to be an underestimate. See this report from Carers UK for more information.
August 2021 - Patient with dementia who lives in a shared lives setting. Carer had been requesting respite from the council since September 2020. Croydon Social Prescriber helped with a referral to the local authority in March 2021. Assessment conducted, with the promise they would come back with support, which did not happen. 25 August, social prescriber used the chatbot to find the right legal wording for the situation. The email was sent at 4.52pm that day. At 5.12pm the council contacted the carer to discuss the respite. This was the impact of one letter, addressed to a senior team.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
Social contact is important for carers’ well-being, as it can help reduce feelings of isolation and loneliness. Understanding the level of social contact that carers have can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a low level of social contact may indicate a need for more social activities or support groups for carers, while a high level of social contact may suggest that carers have a strong support network.
Survey of Adult Carers in England (SACE) - question 11
The type of support available to carers can vary significantly, impacting their ability to provide care effectively. Understanding the types of support available can help identify areas where additional resources may be needed. For example, a high number of carers receiving respite care may indicate a need for more support with caregiving responsibilities, while a low number of carers receiving financial support may suggest a need for additional financial assistance.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T47
Access to information is crucial for carers to navigate the social care system effectively. Understanding how easy it is for carers to get information can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of carers finding it difficult to get information may indicate a need for improved communication and support services, while a low number of carers finding it difficult to get information may suggest that existing services are effective.
Would you like social care information? Try our Chatbot!
Survey of Adult Carers in England (SACE) - question 17
Note: these values are a work in progress… expect these numbers to go up
Access Social Care and other Helplines help people with information, advice, and support related to social care. Understanding the types of calls received by carers can highlight areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of calls related to financial support may indicate a need for more financial assistance for carers, while a high number of calls related to respite care may suggest a need for additional support with caregiving responsibilities.
It is important to note that, just as in the previous section, low numbers of requests might indicate that people don’t know where to get help, don’t feel they can get (or deserve) help, or other outreach problems. This is particularly important because we often work with people where the role of a carer is not recognised, or where the carer themselves does not recognise their role.
Access Social Care casework, AccessAva data, and helpline partner submissions
In 2021 the area had about 14,900 unpaid carers, equal to 10,058 carers for every 100,000 residents. The England rate was only 8,204 per 100,000. A larger share of the local population is therefore giving regular help to family or friends. High levels of ill-health and disability linked to deprivation are likely factors. South Tyneside sits in the fourth most deprived decile on average, while earnings and health are below national norms. More people in poor health means more need for informal care, and this shows in the figures.
Only 28.7 percent of local carers said they have as much social contact as they would like, a little under the England figure of 29.3 percent. When many people are giving care, it becomes harder to balance work, leisure and family time. The borough’s high population density (2,294 residents per km²) may help some carers see friends or services nearby, yet low income and long hours of care can still limit social life. Tackling loneliness among carers should remain a priority.
On a more positive note, 70.6 percent of carers felt it was easy to get information about support, well above the national average of 59.3 percent. Local advice lines, websites and voluntary groups appear to be working well. Keeping these channels open is important, because clear guidance helps carers look after both the person they support and themselves.
For 2024 we have firm data only for direct payments. South Tyneside issued 167 direct payments per 100,000 people, higher than the national rate of 150. This suggests the council is willing to give carers flexible funds so they can arrange help that suits their own routines. Other forms of support were too few to publish, indicating small but sensitive numbers. Low counts may reflect budget limits, or carers choosing direct payments over council-managed services.
An additional carers metric for 2025 shows just two cases (1.34 per 100,000) against an England rate of 0.75. The raw number is tiny, so one or two extra events can push the rate above average. Even so, it reminds us that small, complex situations still need attention.
The borough has more unpaid carers than most places, and many of them feel short of social contact. This pattern fits an urban, deprived area where poor health is common and public services are already stretched. Higher uptake of direct payments and good access to information are clear strengths. To build on them, the council could:
• Expand respite breaks so carers can rest and socialise.
• Keep investing in advice services that carers rate highly.
• Use outreach in the most deprived wards, where caring duty and poverty often overlap.
South Tyneside relies heavily on its unpaid carers. They are well informed but often isolated. By pairing continued guidance with more opportunities for social contact and short-term relief, the borough can protect the health of carers and the people they support.
✨ ✅ ❌Care providers are essential for delivering social care services, including home care agencies and care homes. The quality of care they provide can vary significantly, impacting the well-being of service users. This section examines the number and types of care providers, their quality ratings, and some of the difficulties of maintaining high standards. Understanding these metrics is crucial for ensuring that vulnerable individuals receive high-quality care.
The number and types of care providers in a local authority can impact the availability and quality of social care services. Understanding the distribution of care providers directly influences people’s ability to get the care they need.
The Care Quality Commission (CQC) rates care providers based on their quality of care, safety, and effectiveness. Understanding the quality ratings of care providers can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers with low ratings may indicate a need for improved training and support, while a high number of care providers with high ratings may suggest that existing services are effective.
Framework rates are the agreed prices that local authorities pay care providers for social care services, such as home care and residential care. These rates are crucial because they determine the affordability, availability, and quality of care in a city. If rates are too low, providers may struggle to sustain services, leading to workforce shortages, poor care quality, and limited access for those relying on council-funded care.
Understanding framework rates helps assess whether local authorities are adequately funding social care, ensuring fair pay for care workers, and maintaining a sustainable care market that meets residents’ needs.
?
Several providers are finding it increasingly difficult to stay in business, and sometimes several providers collapse at once. For example, when pay rises are approved without consultation and effective immediately, providers may not be able to afford to pay their staff. This can cause a chain-effect which leads to collapse in the market, and a lack of care for those who need it.
?
Workforce turnover rate is a measure of the number of staff leaving a care provider over a specific period. High turnover rates can indicate issues with staff retention, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or lack of training and support. Understanding workforce turnover rates can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed to improve staff retention and ensure high-quality care services.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Staff retention is crucial for maintaining high-quality care services. Understanding the challenges faced by care providers in retaining staff can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers struggling to retain staff may indicate a need for improved training and support, while a low number of care providers facing retention challenges may suggest that existing services are effective.
This dataset describes the results of a survey asking care providers about their challenges in retaining staff.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Workforce_survey_data_tables, Tab 6_2
Vacancy rate is a measure of the number of unfilled positions within a care provider over a specific period. High vacancy rates can indicate issues with staff recruitment, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or lack of training and support. Understanding vacancy rates can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed to improve staff recruitment and ensure high-quality care services.
Recruiting staff is essential for maintaining high-quality care services, and for backfilling staff when they leave. Understanding the challenges faced by care providers in recruiting staff can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers struggling to recruit staff may indicate a need for improved training and support, or can point to a systemic problem, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or not enough people interested in this job type.
Staff recruitment is important as it’s one of the areas that have levers to pull outside of social care, for example, by changing how many visas are awarded to social care workers.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Workforce_survey_data_tables, Tab 6_2
South Tyneside has 17 community-based adult social care services and 32 residential homes. When adjusted for the borough’s population of about 149,000, this equates to 11.4 community providers and 21.4 residential providers per 100,000 residents. The average English local authority hosts roughly 16.9 and 24.1 providers per 100,000 respectively, so South Tyneside offers a slightly slimmer market.
This lower density is not surprising. The borough’s total population is less than half the national mean and its land area is highly urbanised, with only 0.2 % classed as rural. Providers can therefore cover a compact geography and still reach most service users, limiting the need for a large number of separate establishments.
Only 4.1 % of local services are rated “requires improvement” or “inadequate”, compared with a national average of 16.8 %. A leaner market has not compromised standards; indeed, it may have encouraged closer relationships between commissioners and providers, quicker feedback loops and stronger peer scrutiny. High population density also allows professionals to share resources and best practice more easily, reinforcing quality.
Staff turnover stands at 24.3 %, almost identical to the North East regional figure. The vacancy rate, however, is lower than the England average (6.3 % versus 8.4 %), indicating that posts are usually filled. Despite this, 82.5 % of managers say recruiting is “more” or “much more” challenging and 70.5 % say the same about retention—both a little higher than regional sentiment. The apparent contradiction suggests that providers succeed in filling roles but must work harder and spend longer to do so, perhaps by drawing on agency staff, offering bonuses or widening their advertising radius.
Local socio-economic context helps explain the picture. South Tyneside is in the third most deprived decile on average, so the care sector competes with other low-paid industries for labour. At the same time, limited rurality means travel time is short and public transport is good, which may keep vacancy rates down once people are recruited.
The borough’s compact, deprived and ageing-stable population (little change since 2019) can be served effectively by a modest number of high-quality providers. Nevertheless, commissioners should monitor the market’s capacity, because a small absolute number of organisations makes the system more vulnerable if even one provider exits.
Workforce sustainability needs continued attention. Actions such as career pathways with local colleges, clear progression routes into nursing, and retention bonuses linked to quality outcomes could ease recruitment pressure while safeguarding the low vacancy rate.
South Tyneside delivers social care through fewer providers than the average council, yet achieves markedly better inspection results. Dense urban geography and strong commissioner-provider relationships appear to support this model. The main risk lies in labour supply rather than service quality; targeted workforce initiatives should therefore sit at the heart of future policy and resource allocation.
✨ ✅ ❌Historically, hospital delays have been due in large part, to the inability to discharge patients into social care. We no longer have DTOC data, but we can still look at the number of hospital delays and the number of facilities requiring improvement.
CQC, as the regulator of health and social care services in England, is beginning to rate Local Authorities on their social care provision. Understanding the CQC rating of a local authority should be used as the most official evaluation of service care provision. For example, a low rating may indicate a need for improved service delivery, while a high rating may suggest that existing services are effective.
Hospital delays can have a significant impact on patient care and outcomes, and are in large part the result of not having invested sufficiently in social care. Understanding the number of hospital delays in a local authority can be a sympthom of a poorly working social care sector. For example, a high number of hospital delays may indicate a need for improved discharge planning and coordination, not enough places to discharge people to, lack of sufficient staff to assess patients, or a lack of care providers.
Discharge-Ready-Date-monthly-data-webfile-November-2024, Tab UTLA Acceptable
This metric illustrates how long patients are delayed in hospital before being discharged. Higher average delays mean that patients are spending more time in hospital than necessary, which can lead to increased costs, reduced bed availability, and poorer patient outcomes. This also means that the beds are not available for people that might desperately need them for life-saving procedures.
Discharge-Ready-Date-monthly-data-webfile-November-2024, Tab UTLA Acceptable
Delayed Transfer of Care (DTOC) refers to the time between a patient being declared medically fit for discharge and actually leaving the hospital. Understanding the number of DTOCs in a local authority can help identify precisely where the social care system is failing.
Unfortunately, this dataset is no longer being generated.
Reablement is a short-term service that helps people regain independence and confidence after a period of illness or injury. Understanding the number of people receiving reablement services can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people receiving reablement services may indicate a need for more support with daily living activities, while a low number of people receiving reablement services may suggest that existing services are effective.
Coming soon!
Service user satisfaction is a key indicator of the quality of social care services. Understanding service user satisfaction can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a low level of service user satisfaction may indicate a need for improved service delivery, while a high level of service user satisfaction may suggest that existing services are effective.
It is important to note that the people surveyed are already receiving service care. Notably absent are all the people that are not yet lucky enough to be receiving care.
Personal Social Services Adult Social Care Survey, question 1
Access to information is crucial for people using social care services to navigate the system effectively. Understanding how easy it is for people to get information can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people finding it difficult to get information may indicate a need for improved communication and support services, while a low number of people finding it difficult to get information may suggest that existing services are effective.
Would you like social care information? Try our Chatbot!
Personal Social Services Adult Social Care Survey, question 13
An ombudsman is a person who has been appointed to look into complaints about companies and organisations. The number of cases received and decided by the Ombudsman is important because it provides insight into the volume of complaints about a local authority’s social care services and how effectively these complaints are being addressed. The number of cases received indicates the level of dissatisfaction or systemic issues within a council’s care provision, while the number of cases decided shows how efficiently the Ombudsman is processing and resolving complaints. A large gap between the two may suggest delays in complaint handling, leaving individuals waiting.
It is important to note that contacting the Ombudsman is widely considered a last resort, often discouraged, and sometimes penalised.
Every hospital discharge recorded in November 2024 came from an “acceptable” acute trust, giving South Tyneside a score of 100 compared with the national average of 89. This shows strong alignment between the council and its partner trusts, an important quality marker under the new CQC local authority framework. Yet people are waiting longer to leave hospital once they are ready. Sixteen-point-six per cent of discharges were delayed, four percentage points above the England mean, and the average delay was 0.82 days against a benchmark of 0.70. In a small, densely populated and relatively deprived borough, this pattern usually signals pressure on community re-ablement, home-care capacity and suitable housing. Good upstream coordination is therefore being partly offset by limited capacity further along the pathway, something the CQC is likely to probe.
Resident feedback paints a mixed picture. Sixty-one-point-eight per cent of local respondents said they were satisfied with their care and support, three points below the national figure. The separate NatCen estimate suggests that 57 per cent expressed dissatisfaction, implying that the local gap between satisfied and dissatisfied users is narrower than elsewhere. Conversely, 70.6 per cent felt it was easy to find information about services, slightly above the England average of 68.2. This suggests that the council’s digital and advice offer is functioning well, but the services to which people are directed are not always delivering the outcomes or responsiveness they expect. Lower satisfaction is consistently associated with areas of higher deprivation, and South Tyneside’s mean Index of Multiple Deprivation decile of 3.65 (England 5.9) supports that link.
The Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman received 7.37 cases per 100,000 residents in 2024, compared with an England rate of 4.45. On South Tyneside’s 149,000 population this equates to roughly 11 complaints. About seven complaints were investigated to a decision, giving a decided-case rate of 4.69 per 100,000 against 4.12 nationally. A higher complaint volume can indicate dissatisfaction, but it can also reflect an accessible complaints process and a population that is used to challenging public bodies. Nonetheless the combination of below-average satisfaction and above-average complaint activity signals quality concerns that merit attention.
South Tyneside is a compact, urban borough with twice the national average population density and very little rurality. Demand for home-care often rises faster in settings where many older residents live alone in high-rise or terraced housing. Modest but steady population growth since 2019 suggests that demand will edge upward, even without demographic ageing. High deprivation can increase complexity of need, placing extra strain on re-ablement, housing adaptations and carers’ services—all relevant to the discharge delays observed.
The council and its NHS partners have achieved full compliance on the provenance of discharges, showing that strategic agreements are in place. The next step is to widen community capacity so that people can leave hospital promptly and experience a seamless transition. Investment in home-care workforce, rapid equipment services and supported housing should reduce delayed transfers and, in turn, improve satisfaction. Targeted engagement in deprived neighbourhoods may also help to understand and address the higher complaint rate. Maintaining clear information pathways while focusing on front-line capacity will offer the best prospect of lifting overall quality ratings when the CQC undertakes its formal assessment.
✨ ✅ ❌We need to understand how much money is being spent on social care, and what this provides. First, let’s look at values reported by local authorities.
Gross Current Expenditure (2023-24) captures the total operational cost of services, indicating overall demand and financial commitment. This includes spending on residential and non-residential care, direct payments, and other social care services. Understanding gross expenditure helps assess the scale of social care provision and financial pressures on local authorities.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
This figure reflects the net cost of social care provision to the local authority, indicating the extent of financial support required to meet service demands. Understanding net expenditure helps assess the financial sustainability of social care services and the commitment level of the local authority.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Client Contributions, otherwise known as “Charging”, show the extent to which service users offset costs. Understanding client contributions helps assess the financial burden on individuals and the local authority, highlighting the need for fair and equitable funding mechanisms.
It is important to note that not all local authorities charge for social care services, and that charging can be a barrier to accessing care for some individuals.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Income from NHS reflects external funding and collaboration with the health sector. Understanding NHS contributions helps understand the level of integration between health and social care.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Budget Cuts indicate financial constraints and potential service reductions. Sometimes, budget cuts are explicit, but other times, they aren’t mentioned directly, making tracking this information difficult to access.
As such, this data is not consistently available for all local authorities.
Access Social Care have made a series of Freedom of Information requests about the government’s own assessment of sufficiency of social care funding. The social care sector is in crisis, yet the government refuses to disclose how it determines funding sufficiency. Without transparency, there is little accountability, no independent scrutiny to improve decision-making, and government trust heavily impacted. Evidence from across the sector indicates a severe funding gap, but without open data, meaningful reform remains impossible. True solutions require honesty about the scale of the problem to then work towards a fair and equitable funding model.
The government appears to know how much money is required for social care, and yet they are not making that known.
✨ ✅ ❌?
South Tyneside spends about £94.9 million on adult social care. This equals £63,591 for every 100,000 residents. The English average is £47,758 per 100,000, or about £71.3 million for an area with the same population. Net spend, after income from charges and partner bodies, is about £79.2 million, or £53,080 per 100,000 people, again above the national figure of £40,472.
The borough is small, with around 149,000 residents, so it cannot spread fixed costs as widely as larger councils. It is also one of the more deprived places in England. Its mean deprivation decile is 3.7 (the country sits at 5.9). Poorer areas usually see earlier ill-health, more disability and less unpaid family care. This raises demand for council-funded support, so higher spend is expected.
Population density is high at 2,294 persons per km² and only 0.2 % of residents live in rural zones. Urban living can help with travel times for staff, yet it also links to higher long-term illness tied to past industrial work and lower incomes. These factors again widen the pool of people who qualify for help.
Income from clients is £10,511 per 100,000 residents, or about £15.7 million in total. This is above the England rate of £7,286. A larger share of users therefore pay charges. This may show the council is firm on collecting fees, but it can also mean more people are receiving chargeable services in the first place.
NHS bodies add about £31.7 million, equal to £21,229 per 100,000 people. The national level is only £7,878. Strong joint work with local health partners, perhaps on re-ablement or Continuing Health Care, explains part of the higher gross spend. It also hints at a heavy burden of complex health needs that the health service is willing to fund.
Because both client and NHS income are well above average, South Tyneside’s net spend is kept lower than it might be. Still, the council pays £79.2 million from its own budget, a figure that outstrips peers on a like-for-like basis. Without good cost control this may be hard to sustain, especially as national grants are tight and no clear plan for further savings is on record.
The spending pattern points to high demand rather than pure inefficiency. Any future policy should keep a close link with public health work, as preventing ill-health will lower long-term care costs. Continued joint funding with the NHS is vital, because it cushions the council budget and supports integrated care. At the same time, charging policy needs regular review to ensure fairness in an area with many low-income households.
Population numbers have been steady for five years, so demand will mainly shift with age and health rather than raw growth. Close tracking of need, plus investment in early help, will be key to holding spend at a level the council can bear while still meeting statutory duties.
✨ ✅ ❌