This page provides an overview of social care in Oxfordshire, along with key metrics that could affect social care. Understanding these metrics is important because they help contextualise the challenges with social care provision in each local authority. These statistics are important to keep in mind when reviewing the other pages.
Why are these metrics important? Population size and density can affect the demand for social care services. For example, if a local authority has a high population (relative to other areas), it may need to allocate more resources to meet care needs. Similarly, areas with high population density may require more care services due to the increased number of people living in close proximity. Inversely, areas with a low population density may have fewer care needs, but residents may face challenges accessing services due to the distance between them. Lastly, people in rural areas might live further away from services, which can impact their ability to access care, or make it more expensive to provide.
Understanding these metrics can help local authorities plan and allocate resources effectively.
Deprivation decile is a measure of the level of deprivation in a local authority. It is calculated by ranking areas in England from 1 (most deprived) to 10 (least deprived) based on factors such as income, employment, education, and health. A higher decile indicates lower levels of deprivation, while a lower decile suggests higher levels of deprivation. Understanding deprivation levels can help local authorities identify areas that may require additional support and resources to address social care needs.
IMD 2019 for the Lower Tier Local Authorities: Cherwell, Oxford, South Oxfordshire, Vale of White Horse, West Oxfordshire
Deprivation rank is a measure of the relative deprivation of a local authority compared to other areas in England. It is calculated by ranking areas from 1 (most deprived) to 32,844 (least deprived) Lower Layer Super Output Areas (LSOA), which can be thought of as “small areas”. This rank is based on factors such as income, employment, education, and health. A lower rank indicates higher levels of deprivation, while a higher rank suggests lower levels of deprivation. Understanding deprivation ranks can help local authorities identify areas that may require additional support and resources to address social care needs.
IMD 2019 for the Lower Tier Local Authorities: Cherwell, Oxford, South Oxfordshire, Vale of White Horse, West Oxfordshire
Many people want care, some receive care, but a significant number go without. What types of care are being requested? What care is actually provided? This section explores the gap between need and provision, the types of care available, and how our own data contributes to the understanding of these challenges.
Access Social Care and other Helplines providers are working to bridge this gap by providing free legal support to people who are struggling to access social care services. This first chart illustrates the types of calls we are getting.
The rest of this page distingushes between the different types of care provided to Working Age People and Older People, as we are able to disaggregate at a greater level of granularity.
Note: these values are a work in progress… expect these numbers to go up
This plot shows a breakdown of the types of requests for assistance received by Access Social Care and other helplines. Understanding the themes of these calls can identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of calls related to housing may indicate a need for more affordable housing options, while a high number of calls related to social care assessments may suggest a need for improved access to care services. The request types are:
Assessments: An assessment is a meeting or form to find out what help someone needs with daily tasks.
Care Plan: A care plan is a written agreement that lists the support you’ll get and who to contact if things change.
Carers: Carers are people who help a disabled or ill person with daily tasks.
Charging: Charging refers to checking if you can afford to pay for some of your care based on your savings.
Information Seeking: Information seeking means getting advice about available care options.
Legal Issues and Complaints: Legal issues and complaints involve reporting problems with your care to the council or an ombudsman.
Safeguarding: Safeguarding is protecting people from abuse or neglect.
Of course, high numbers also mean that people know where to call, and this number can be impacted by advocacy efforts. As a counterpoint, areas with low numbers may indicate a lack of awareness of available services or a need for more outreach to connect people with support.
To protect privacy, our minimum bin size is 5, which means that if we field 1-5 queries on a topic, we display 5.
Are you a helpline and would like to combine data resources? Let us know!
Access Social Care casework, AccessAva data, and helpline partner submissions
Working Age People
Knowing how many people are requesting social care, how many people are recieving care and what percent of people are disabled helps understand need and social care provision at a top level. For example, a high number of people requesting care may indicate a need for additional resources or services, while a low number of people receiving care may suggest a gap in service provision. Understanding these metrics can help identify areas where additional support may be needed.
MW was diagnosed with Functional Chronic Pain, she cannot walk without support, she holds on to her furniture to move around the house. She uses a wheelchair, especially when she goes out, with support from friends and family. She lives on second floor with 5 flights because of the way the building is designed and there is no lift. She never goes out because of the difficulties she experiences with the stairs. She needs help with cooking, cleaning, shopping and showering. She relies on friends and her mum who has knee replacement.
She was referred by the Social Prescriber who referred her onto also referred her to Croydon Adult Support, they told her they are short of staff to allocate her a social worker, so she was placed on a long waiting list. MW case still hadn’t progressed until the Social Prescriber, who had been recently trained on the Care Act, referred her to Access Social Care’s free legal Chatbot letter clinic.
The legal clinic volunteer completed a letter to Croydon Council with MW within a week which was sent to Adult Social Services. Access Social Care then called her after two weeks to complete a follow up survey. MW informed them that she had had an assessment and was waiting to hear back from Croydon following the panel meeting. Social Services has now done the assessment after which the panel offered MW 9 hours of social care support.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
This plot shows the types of care provided to working-age people in Oxfordshire. Understanding the types of care available can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people receiving personal care may indicate a need for more support with daily living activities, while a high number of people receiving respite care may suggest a need for additional support for carers.
ASCFR and SALT Data Tables 2023-24 Sheet T34
Oxfordshire has about 750,000 residents and it is growing each year. The county is mostly rural, with only 278 people per square kilometre. It is also less deprived than most parts of England. These facts help to explain why need for adult social care is different from the national picture.
The age-standardised share of residents who say they are disabled is 14.9 per cent. The England average is 17.6 per cent. A lower rate can point to a healthier working-age population, better jobs, or more early support that prevents long-term illness. The two universities and a strong high-tech economy may attract younger and fitter adults, keeping the disability rate down. At the same time, people with high care needs may move to larger urban areas that offer more specialist housing, so they are under-represented in the county statistics.
In 2024 there were 6,515 requests for social care from adults aged 18 to 64. This equals 868 requests per 100,000 working-age residents. Nationally the rate is 1,143 per 100,000. The gap suggests either lower demand or demand that is met in other ways. Rural communities often rely on family help, and higher household incomes allow some people to buy private support. Travel distance to council offices can also discourage formal requests, hinting at hidden need.
A total of 2,650 working-age adults received council-funded care. The local rate, 353 per 100,000, is again below the England figure of 533 per 100,000. Every type of service sits under the national average. Nursing and residential placements are rare, with only 10.7 and 33.3 users per 100,000. Community-based support is more common but still lower than elsewhere. The county’s policy of “home first” appears to work, yet the low figures may also show limited availability of specialist beds in a large rural area.
In 2025 requests for help with assessments, carers, charging, information, mental capacity and safeguarding were all below national rates. Easy online information and higher education levels may reduce basic enquiries. However, low safeguarding contacts (0.8 per 100,000 versus 1.2) raise the risk that abuse or neglect in scattered rural villages goes unreported.
Population growth of roughly 10 per cent since 2019 means that even a low disability rate will lead to more absolute numbers over time. Delivering care across a wide area costs more per person, so the council must plan for rising travel and workforce expenses. The current emphasis on community support fits local wishes and keeps costs down, yet it relies on a strong voluntary sector and good transport links.
The data paint a picture of comparatively low need but also of possible unmet demand, hidden by affluence and geography. Continued monitoring, outreach in rural parishes, and investment in digital and mobile services will be essential to make sure that disabled people who do need help can find and use it easily.
✨ ✅ ❌Older People
Just like with Working Age people, knowing how many older people are requesting social care, how many people are recieving care and what percent of the population is 65+ helps understand need and social care provision at a top level.
Jamaican female, blind and in her 40s. She was in an emergency Bed & Breakfast with her Niece, who acts as her unofficial carer, she is unable to work but would like to go to University. She is receiving PIP but not the Daily Living Allowance which she applied for in June 2021. She is vulnerable and has a history of self harm so was assigned a rehab Support Worker. Vanessa supported her using the Chatbot to chase up her PIP Daily Living allowance application, after waiting for several months and they received a reply within a week but was awarded the lower rate.
Another Chatbot letter was sent to request an urgent assessment due to her vulnerability and this was action quickly by the LA. Vanessa also supported her to use the chatbot and ask the Social worker to be moved to a place that supports her needs and rights. As she was having to use a shared bathroom, toilet and kitchen in a place with drug/alcohol abusers and being blind with no carer, this left her vulnerable. The Chatbot was used again to raise this issue and after a few weeks she was successfully moved to a private property in another area.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
As above, it is important to see what type of care older people are being provided because it can help explain where additional work is needed.
ASCFR and SALT Data Tables 2023-24 Sheet T34
Between 2019 and 2023 Oxfordshire’s population grew from 708 ,500 to about 750 ,000. The share of residents aged 65 + rose from 17.8 % to 18.3 %. This is a steady climb, yet it stays below the national share, which hovered near 18.8 % before easing to 18.5 % in 2023. Oxfordshire therefore has a slightly younger age profile, helped by its universities and science parks. Population density is 278 people per km², far lower than the England average, so many older residents live in rural areas. The county is also less deprived (average Index of Multiple Deprivation decile close to 7), suggesting that, on the whole, older people may enjoy better income, housing and health than peers elsewhere.
In 2024, 12 ,530 people aged 65 + asked the council for social-care help. This equals 1 ,670 requests per 100 ,000 older residents, well below the England rate of 2 ,438. A lower request rate can reflect better underlying health, greater use of informal or privately funded care, or – in a large rural area – barriers to contacting services. Oxfordshire should test which factor is strongest, as each calls for a different policy response.
Early signs from 2025 show modest demand for specialist advice: safeguarding queries run at 0.8 per 100 ,000 versus 1.2 nationally, and mental-capacity queries at 0.13 versus 0.59. Small numbers limit firm conclusions, yet the pattern fits with a relatively healthy, affluent population. Even so, low figures might also point to unmet need in isolated villages, so active outreach remains prudent.
By 2024, 5 ,315 older residents were getting council-funded long-term care: 708 per 100 ,000 compared with 1 ,003 for England. Again, Oxfordshire supports fewer people through publicly funded packages, echoing the lower request rate.
Within the 708 per 100 ,000:
Nursing home care stands at 155 per 100 ,000, higher than the national 122. In contrast, residential home care is 145 per 100 ,000, far below the national 250. Community-based support is low across all funding routes: direct payments (51 vs 55 nationally), part direct payments (17 vs 22), council-managed personal budgets (257 vs 508) and commissioned support only (85 vs 137). These figures suggest that when an older resident enters the publicly funded system, their needs may already be complex enough to require nursing care, while those with lower needs either self-fund community help or do without formal services.
Oxfordshire’s older population is increasing in number and, gradually, in share. Demand for council-funded care is currently subdued, possibly due to relative affluence and private care markets. Yet the sharp rise in total population means that even a small percentage growth translates into many extra people. Rural travel distances may also hide pockets of unmet need, especially for community services.
First, prevention should stay high on the agenda. Good health, housing and community activity can prolong independence and keep request rates low. Second, the county should map rural access to information and simple support; proactive visits or digital solutions could stop hidden need from escalating to nursing care. Third, market-shaping with independent providers is vital: if more residents self-fund, coordination with the council can ensure quality and smooth transitions when money runs out. Finally, workforce planning must anticipate a gradual, not sudden, but still definite rise in complex nursing demand.
Oxfordshire starts from a position of relative advantage: fewer older residents proportionally, lower deprivation and lower publicly funded demand. The challenge is to use this head-start to build a balanced system that reaches rural communities, supports early intervention and keeps high-cost care for when it is truly needed.
✨ ✅ ❌When government support falls short, unpaid carers step in to provide care. However, many struggle with burnout, financial pressure, lack of social contact, and a lack of support. This section explores the number of unpaid carers, their increasing workload, and what forms of support are available.
Carers play a vital role in supporting vulnerable adults, often stepping in to provide care when professional services are unavailable or insufficient. The percentage of carers receiving direct payments highlights financial empowerment, the number of carers accessing services reflects local authority outreach, and the number turning to charities underscores unmet needs. Together, these data points reveal systemic strengths and weaknesses: low direct payment uptake may push carers toward charities, while effective services can reduce dependence on charitable support. Understanding these metrics enables targeted interventions to ensure carers receive the recognition and resources they deserve.
Unpaid carers play a crucial role in supporting vulnerable adults, often stepping in to provide care when professional services are unavailable or insufficient. Understanding the number of unpaid carers in a local authority can be complicated. On the one hand, a relatively high proportion might be indicative of not enough being done by the local authority, and/or a strong community. On the other hand, a relatively lower number can mean good service provision, lower need, lower availability to look after family, or a problem with reporting.
Still, understanding the number of unpaid carers is a baseline number that must be considered.
NOMIS NM_2213_1
These values are widely considered to be an underestimate. See this report from Carers UK for more information.
August 2021 - Patient with dementia who lives in a shared lives setting. Carer had been requesting respite from the council since September 2020. Croydon Social Prescriber helped with a referral to the local authority in March 2021. Assessment conducted, with the promise they would come back with support, which did not happen. 25 August, social prescriber used the chatbot to find the right legal wording for the situation. The email was sent at 4.52pm that day. At 5.12pm the council contacted the carer to discuss the respite. This was the impact of one letter, addressed to a senior team.
This case study is based on real data from Croydon. Have a story to tell? Let us know, and we might display it here!
Social contact is important for carers’ well-being, as it can help reduce feelings of isolation and loneliness. Understanding the level of social contact that carers have can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a low level of social contact may indicate a need for more social activities or support groups for carers, while a high level of social contact may suggest that carers have a strong support network.
Survey of Adult Carers in England (SACE) - question 11
The type of support available to carers can vary significantly, impacting their ability to provide care effectively. Understanding the types of support available can help identify areas where additional resources may be needed. For example, a high number of carers receiving respite care may indicate a need for more support with caregiving responsibilities, while a low number of carers receiving financial support may suggest a need for additional financial assistance.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T47
Access to information is crucial for carers to navigate the social care system effectively. Understanding how easy it is for carers to get information can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of carers finding it difficult to get information may indicate a need for improved communication and support services, while a low number of carers finding it difficult to get information may suggest that existing services are effective.
Would you like social care information? Try our Chatbot!
Survey of Adult Carers in England (SACE) - question 17
Note: these values are a work in progress… expect these numbers to go up
Access Social Care and other Helplines help people with information, advice, and support related to social care. Understanding the types of calls received by carers can highlight areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of calls related to financial support may indicate a need for more financial assistance for carers, while a high number of calls related to respite care may suggest a need for additional support with caregiving responsibilities.
It is important to note that, just as in the previous section, low numbers of requests might indicate that people don’t know where to get help, don’t feel they can get (or deserve) help, or other outreach problems. This is particularly important because we often work with people where the role of a carer is not recognised, or where the carer themselves does not recognise their role.
Access Social Care casework, AccessAva data, and helpline partner submissions
In 2021 around 52,600 residents were unpaid carers. This equals 7,248 carers for every 100,000 people, lower than the England rate of 8,204 per 100,000. Oxfordshire has a younger, healthier and less deprived population than many areas, so fewer people may need high-level care. A second reason may be that carers in the county are not always recorded, especially in small rural villages where services are thin on the ground.
Only 29.1 % of carers said they had as much social contact as they would like in 2024, almost the same as the national figure of 29.3 %. In a county where 43 % of residents live in rural places, distance and poor public transport can make meeting friends or joining groups hard. Even with lower deprivation, isolation can hurt mental health and the ability to keep caring.
About 61.4 % of carers felt it was easy to get information about support, a little above the England average of 59.3 %. Good digital coverage and strong voluntary groups in Oxford, Banbury and the market towns may help. Yet nearly four in ten still struggle, so printed guides, outreach in GP surgeries and simple online pathways remain important, especially for older carers.
Oxfordshire pays 231 carers per 100,000 a direct payment, well above the national rate of 150. Direct payments let families buy help that fits their own routine, which can be vital in scattered rural areas. At the same time, only 17 carers per 100,000 receive respite delivered to the person they care for, far below the England rate of 70. Information and advice is also offered to fewer carers than average (267 versus 339 per 100,000). The county has almost no carers recorded as receiving no direct support (7 per 100,000, compared with 130 nationally), suggesting that most who ask for help do get something. Still, the low use of respite breaks hints at unmet need: carers may turn down centre-based breaks because of travel time, cost, or a wish to keep caring themselves.
A small metric recorded for 2025 (0.40 per 100,000 against 0.75 nationally) shows Oxfordshire below average, though the sample is tiny. Whether it refers to safeguarding, employment or another outcome, the low count underlines the need for careful monitoring when numbers are small.
The population has grown by around 6 % since 2019, so the absolute number of carers is likely to rise even if the rate stays low. Growth is fastest in large new housing sites around Bicester, Didcot and Witney, which must be matched by local carer hubs, flexible respite and digital advice. Direct payments are working well and could be promoted further, but they should sit alongside more short-break options to protect carers from burnout. Better transport and community venues would help tackle isolation, while clear, plain-English information in both online and paper form will support the four in ten carers who still find services hard to navigate.
✨ ✅ ❌Care providers are essential for delivering social care services, including home care agencies and care homes. The quality of care they provide can vary significantly, impacting the well-being of service users. This section examines the number and types of care providers, their quality ratings, and some of the difficulties of maintaining high standards. Understanding these metrics is crucial for ensuring that vulnerable individuals receive high-quality care.
The number and types of care providers in a local authority can impact the availability and quality of social care services. Understanding the distribution of care providers directly influences people’s ability to get the care they need.
The Care Quality Commission (CQC) rates care providers based on their quality of care, safety, and effectiveness. Understanding the quality ratings of care providers can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers with low ratings may indicate a need for improved training and support, while a high number of care providers with high ratings may suggest that existing services are effective.
Framework rates are the agreed prices that local authorities pay care providers for social care services, such as home care and residential care. These rates are crucial because they determine the affordability, availability, and quality of care in a city. If rates are too low, providers may struggle to sustain services, leading to workforce shortages, poor care quality, and limited access for those relying on council-funded care.
Understanding framework rates helps assess whether local authorities are adequately funding social care, ensuring fair pay for care workers, and maintaining a sustainable care market that meets residents’ needs.
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Several providers are finding it increasingly difficult to stay in business, and sometimes several providers collapse at once. For example, when pay rises are approved without consultation and effective immediately, providers may not be able to afford to pay their staff. This can cause a chain-effect which leads to collapse in the market, and a lack of care for those who need it.
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Workforce turnover rate is a measure of the number of staff leaving a care provider over a specific period. High turnover rates can indicate issues with staff retention, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or lack of training and support. Understanding workforce turnover rates can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed to improve staff retention and ensure high-quality care services.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Staff retention is crucial for maintaining high-quality care services. Understanding the challenges faced by care providers in retaining staff can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers struggling to retain staff may indicate a need for improved training and support, while a low number of care providers facing retention challenges may suggest that existing services are effective.
This dataset describes the results of a survey asking care providers about their challenges in retaining staff.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Workforce_survey_data_tables, Tab 6_2
Vacancy rate is a measure of the number of unfilled positions within a care provider over a specific period. High vacancy rates can indicate issues with staff recruitment, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or lack of training and support. Understanding vacancy rates can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed to improve staff recruitment and ensure high-quality care services.
Recruiting staff is essential for maintaining high-quality care services, and for backfilling staff when they leave. Understanding the challenges faced by care providers in recruiting staff can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of care providers struggling to recruit staff may indicate a need for improved training and support, or can point to a systemic problem, such as low pay, poor working conditions, or not enough people interested in this job type.
Staff recruitment is important as it’s one of the areas that have levers to pull outside of social care, for example, by changing how many visas are awarded to social care workers.
NOTE: This data series is based on regional data
Workforce_survey_data_tables, Tab 6_2
Oxfordshire supports 131 community-based adult social care providers and 127 residential care homes. These raw counts are much higher than the England averages of 64 and 91 because the county’s population, at about 750,000, is almost double that of the typical local authority. When the figures are adjusted for population the picture shifts. Community services work out at around 17.5 providers per 100,000 residents, just above the national rate of 16.9. Residential capacity is thinner: 16.9 homes per 100,000 people against an England rate of roughly 24.1. This suggests the county leans more on care delivered in people’s own homes and may need to watch for pressure on beds if demand rises.
Only 9.3 % of Oxfordshire providers are rated “requires improvement” or “inadequate”, almost half the national share of 16.8 %. Good ratings may reflect effective local monitoring and strong community links. High quality also reduces the risk of emergency closures, which is helpful in a largely rural county where replacement provision can be far away.
The staff turnover rate, at 26.7 %, matches the England average, yet employers report greater difficulty holding on to staff: 72 % say retention is now “more” or “much more” challenging compared with 68 % nationally. Vacancies stand at 10 % of posts, above the 8.4 % benchmark, and 83 % of managers find recruitment harder, slightly above the norm. These pressures hint at a tight labour market. Oxfordshire’s relatively high affluence (mean deprivation decile around 8) and growing population can push up living costs, making social care wages less attractive. Rural travel distances add another hurdle, especially for home-care staff who need to drive between villages.
Population growth of about 6 % since 2019, alongside a density of only 278 people per km², means demand is rising while clients are spread over a wide area. The county is mostly prosperous, yet pockets of need exist, and rural isolation can mask unmet demand. Lower deprivation often brings higher expectations of care quality, which Oxfordshire is meeting, but it also raises workforce competition from better-paid sectors such as health or technology.
Maintaining current quality levels will require action on staffing. Targeted travel allowances, affordable housing schemes for key workers, and stronger career pathways could ease recruitment and retention challenges. The relatively low per-capita residential capacity suggests commissioners should keep an eye on hospital discharge delays and consider future investment in extra-care housing or small rural care homes. Expanding digital care support may also suit a dispersed population. Overall, Oxfordshire starts from a strong quality base, yet sustained population growth and workforce strain mean proactive planning is essential to preserve good outcomes.
✨ ✅ ❌Historically, hospital delays have been due in large part, to the inability to discharge patients into social care. We no longer have DTOC data, but we can still look at the number of hospital delays and the number of facilities requiring improvement.
CQC, as the regulator of health and social care services in England, is beginning to rate Local Authorities on their social care provision. Understanding the CQC rating of a local authority should be used as the most official evaluation of service care provision. For example, a low rating may indicate a need for improved service delivery, while a high rating may suggest that existing services are effective.
Hospital delays can have a significant impact on patient care and outcomes, and are in large part the result of not having invested sufficiently in social care. Understanding the number of hospital delays in a local authority can be a sympthom of a poorly working social care sector. For example, a high number of hospital delays may indicate a need for improved discharge planning and coordination, not enough places to discharge people to, lack of sufficient staff to assess patients, or a lack of care providers.
Discharge-Ready-Date-monthly-data-webfile-November-2024, Tab UTLA Acceptable
This metric illustrates how long patients are delayed in hospital before being discharged. Higher average delays mean that patients are spending more time in hospital than necessary, which can lead to increased costs, reduced bed availability, and poorer patient outcomes. This also means that the beds are not available for people that might desperately need them for life-saving procedures.
Discharge-Ready-Date-monthly-data-webfile-November-2024, Tab UTLA Acceptable
Delayed Transfer of Care (DTOC) refers to the time between a patient being declared medically fit for discharge and actually leaving the hospital. Understanding the number of DTOCs in a local authority can help identify precisely where the social care system is failing.
Unfortunately, this dataset is no longer being generated.
Reablement is a short-term service that helps people regain independence and confidence after a period of illness or injury. Understanding the number of people receiving reablement services can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people receiving reablement services may indicate a need for more support with daily living activities, while a low number of people receiving reablement services may suggest that existing services are effective.
Coming soon!
Service user satisfaction is a key indicator of the quality of social care services. Understanding service user satisfaction can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a low level of service user satisfaction may indicate a need for improved service delivery, while a high level of service user satisfaction may suggest that existing services are effective.
It is important to note that the people surveyed are already receiving service care. Notably absent are all the people that are not yet lucky enough to be receiving care.
Personal Social Services Adult Social Care Survey, question 1
Access to information is crucial for people using social care services to navigate the system effectively. Understanding how easy it is for people to get information can help local authorities identify areas where additional support and resources may be needed. For example, a high number of people finding it difficult to get information may indicate a need for improved communication and support services, while a low number of people finding it difficult to get information may suggest that existing services are effective.
Would you like social care information? Try our Chatbot!
Personal Social Services Adult Social Care Survey, question 13
An ombudsman is a person who has been appointed to look into complaints about companies and organisations. The number of cases received and decided by the Ombudsman is important because it provides insight into the volume of complaints about a local authority’s social care services and how effectively these complaints are being addressed. The number of cases received indicates the level of dissatisfaction or systemic issues within a council’s care provision, while the number of cases decided shows how efficiently the Ombudsman is processing and resolving complaints. A large gap between the two may suggest delays in complaint handling, leaving individuals waiting.
It is important to note that contacting the Ombudsman is widely considered a last resort, often discouraged, and sometimes penalised.
Oxfordshire now has about 750,000 residents, up by roughly 40,000 since 2019. It is less crowded than many areas (278 people per km²) and is on average less deprived than England. Forty-three percent of the county is rural. These factors shape how people reach services and how quickly staff can respond.
Almost every patient who leaves hospital goes to a provider that the Care Quality Commission classes as “acceptable” (99.8 %, national 89 %). A high figure suggests strong links between the county council, NHS trusts and community teams, helping people move to safe settings near home. Delay remains an issue everywhere, yet Oxfordshire performs slightly better than England: 11.7 % of discharges are delayed, compared with 12.3 % nationally, and the average delay is 0.57 days versus 0.7. Faster flow frees beds and reduces risk of harm linked to long stays, which is important in a county with a growing and ageing population spread across rural areas.
In the adult social care survey, 68.5 % of respondents said they were satisfied, three-and-a-half points higher than the national mean. Ease of finding information is also better (71 % versus 68.2 %), hinting at clear sign-posting and possibly good use of digital channels. Oxfordshire’s lower deprivation and high average education level may also make it simpler for residents to navigate services.
NatCen’s separate study records 57 % dissatisfaction. The different wording (“dissatisfied” rather than “satisfied”) and sampling method can produce a higher figure, yet the gap points to uneven experience. Rural travel times, recent workforce shortages and cost pressures may mean that while many people feel supported, a sizeable minority remain unhappy.
In 2024 the Ombudsman received 2.93 cases per 100,000 residents in Oxfordshire, well below the England rate of 4.45. Decisions issued were 2.53 per 100,000, again beneath the national figure. A low complaint rate can mean good quality, but it can also show barriers to speaking up, especially in dispersed rural communities. The higher satisfaction score suggests the former is more likely, yet monitoring of advocacy and feedback routes is still prudent.
The county starts from a strong base: safe hospital discharge pathways, above-average satisfaction and few escalated complaints. Maintaining this position will need attention to the challenges that come with growth and geography. More residents will add demand, while long travel times in rural wards can slow home-care response and raise the risk of delayed discharge creeping up again.
Targeted steps could include expanding community rehabilitation beds in market towns, using digital tools to give families real-time updates on discharge plans, and ensuring complaint channels are visible in villages as well as Oxford city. Continued work with neighbouring trusts is vital; almost all discharges already go to acceptable providers, but a small dip would affect many people given the large population.
Overall, the data show steady quality improvement in Oxfordshire. Performance is better than England on most measures, and the county’s relative affluence supports good outcomes. The task now is to protect this advantage as the population rises and services face tighter budgets.
✨ ✅ ❌We need to understand how much money is being spent on social care, and what this provides. First, let’s look at values reported by local authorities.
Gross Current Expenditure (2023-24) captures the total operational cost of services, indicating overall demand and financial commitment. This includes spending on residential and non-residential care, direct payments, and other social care services. Understanding gross expenditure helps assess the scale of social care provision and financial pressures on local authorities.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
This figure reflects the net cost of social care provision to the local authority, indicating the extent of financial support required to meet service demands. Understanding net expenditure helps assess the financial sustainability of social care services and the commitment level of the local authority.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Client Contributions, otherwise known as “Charging”, show the extent to which service users offset costs. Understanding client contributions helps assess the financial burden on individuals and the local authority, highlighting the need for fair and equitable funding mechanisms.
It is important to note that not all local authorities charge for social care services, and that charging can be a barrier to accessing care for some individuals.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Income from NHS reflects external funding and collaboration with the health sector. Understanding NHS contributions helps understand the level of integration between health and social care.
ASCFR/SALT Sheet T3
Budget Cuts indicate financial constraints and potential service reductions. Sometimes, budget cuts are explicit, but other times, they aren’t mentioned directly, making tracking this information difficult to access.
As such, this data is not consistently available for all local authorities.
Access Social Care have made a series of Freedom of Information requests about the government’s own assessment of sufficiency of social care funding. The social care sector is in crisis, yet the government refuses to disclose how it determines funding sufficiency. Without transparency, there is little accountability, no independent scrutiny to improve decision-making, and government trust heavily impacted. Evidence from across the sector indicates a severe funding gap, but without open data, meaningful reform remains impossible. True solutions require honesty about the scale of the problem to then work towards a fair and equitable funding model.
The government appears to know how much money is required for social care, and yet they are not making that known.
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In 2024 Oxfordshire spent about £316 million on adult social care. This is the “gross” figure, before any money is recovered from clients or the NHS. After these deductions the “net” cost to the county council is roughly £263 million.
When we look at spending for every 100,000 people, Oxfordshire puts £42,097 into social care. Councils across England spend more, £47,758 on average. The same gap appears for net spending: £35,005 in Oxfordshire versus £40,472 nationally.
Oxfordshire’s population is large (about 750,000) but it is, on the whole, better-off than many areas. The average deprivation decile is close to 7, while the England average is below 6. Less deprivation often means fewer people needing state-funded care. Some residents may buy care privately, leaving the council to support a smaller share of the market. This could explain why client contributions are only slightly below the national rate (£7,092 per 100,000 people against £7,286) while council spending is well below.
The NHS pays £5,127 per 100,000 residents towards Oxfordshire’s social care, far below the English mean of £7,878. Lower NHS money may reflect fewer continuing-health-care cases or weaker joint-funding arrangements. Whatever the reason, the council must cover a larger part of costs itself, squeezing its budget.
Population has grown by 6 % since 2019 and is still increasing. More people will need help every year, especially as the county’s age profile shifts. Rural districts, which make up about 43 % of the population, face extra travel time and staff costs. If per-person spending stays low while numbers rise, unmet need could follow.
Oxfordshire appears to run a lean service compared with most councils. Good health and wealth in the county may justify part of this. Even so, slower funding growth than population growth can lead to pressure points: longer waits for assessments, limited home care hours, or delays in hospital discharge. The shortfall in NHS income is a warning sign; closer work with the Integrated Care Board could release extra funds and improve flow between services.
• Spending per resident is below average, yet population and rural delivery costs are rising. • Deprivation is low, but not uniform; pockets of need exist and may be hidden by county-wide figures. • Strengthening joint funding with the NHS could ease the council’s net burden and help maintain service quality.
Continued monitoring is essential. If demand keeps growing faster than funding, Oxfordshire must either find new income, achieve further efficiencies, or accept tighter eligibility. Strategic choices made now will shape the county’s ability to meet care needs over the coming decade.
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